A myopic eye, unfamiliar with Zimbabwe’s tumultuous political landscape, might have perceived the coup as a breath of fresh air, a beacon signalling the onset of democratic transformation. However, this illusion was bought mainly by the politically uninformed, both within Zimbabwe and abroad. Contrary to popular belief, the event was less of a successful renewal attempt by Zanu pf, and more of a crafty political manoeuvre to buy time.

Prior to the coup, the state-owned television was rebranded as Auxilia Mnangagwa Television, hailed as a clean slate from the past associated with Mugabe. But for those deeply versed in the intricacies of politics, this was simply a desperate attempt to dodge accountability. The so-called break from the past was only verbal. The actions, however, suggested otherwise, as the rebranded television station failed to enact liberalising changes, remaining an institution firmly under Zanu pf’s control.

The much-anticipated electoral reforms were notably absent. Instead, there was a conspicuous centralisation of power, coupled with human and property rights violations that showed no signs of abating. In essence, the entire endeavour was a tactical move by Zanu pf to buy time, evading the demands of its people who craved peaceful transition of power to the opposition.

Zanu pf was losing ground, and it was evident that power was slipping away. A faction within the party, notably the militant one, had most at stake. Fearful of the aftermath of their grotesque human rights violations against the Ndebele minority and opposition members, this faction felt the need to act swiftly.

Thus, the coup was born out of desperation, led by Mnangagwa and his deceased cohort Perrence Shiri, who had been instrumental in ethnic cleansing and electoral violence. They saw the coup as a safety blanket, shielding themselves from the looming threats of accountability and long-term imprisonment, a consequence that would ensue once the opposition restored the credibility of the independent courts.

Fearing exposure to both internal and external anticipated prosecutions, this faction staged the coup under the guise of a democratic evolution. Their primary aim was to create a buffer against military intervention, which might lead to their capture and subsequent prosecution. Consequently, their deception hoodwinked both local and foreign citizens, using the charade of democratization as a smokescreen to consolidate their control.

The joyous celebration following Mugabe’s ousting further marred the prospects of much-needed democratic intervention. It was a ploy to portray a public preference shift from Mugabe to Mnangagwa, a ruse that further consolidated Zanu pf’s grip on power. This lack of external pressure only enabled Zanu pf to strengthen its stronghold and continue its reign of tyranny.

In the end, the anticipated democratic initiatives never materialised. The situation progressively worsened under Zanu pf’s deceptive rule, with intensifying centralisation of power, human and property rights violations, and marginalisation of the youth. The party even resorted to the partisan distribution of food aid, keeping the populace in prolonged suffering and dependence on Zanu pf’s corrupt system.

This proves that Zanu pf’s supposed interest in reforms was nothing more than a façade, a time-buying strategy to consolidate power, bolster their survival, and evade potential prosecution. Ultimately, Zanu pf had the last laugh. They successfully deceived the nation, ensuring their longevity at the expense of the Zimbabwean people’s wellbeing and prosperity.